Saturday, November 16, 2019

Early Childhood Education Theorists and Their Theories

Early Childhood Education Theorists and Their Theories Throughout this topic I have learnt many things about pioneers, theorists and current thinkers who have had a big influence on the way to treat children in a setting like a nursery or school. These people have had thoughts that stretch from, corporal punishment to healthy settings, playing areas and timings. In my presentation I chose two theorists, two pioneers and one current thinker, and the people I chose were; Robert Owen, The McMillan Sisters (Rachel and Margaret), Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget and Tina Bruce. I analysed their impact in the presentation of what it had on current day thinking and Early Years provision. I have learnt about many techniques and ideas that have been put in place across child settings across the UK, and what their influences were on current times. There were many great ideas from the pioneers, theorist and current thinkers and in my presentation I discussed these. Most of the pioneers and theorists that I focused on were from the 19th century or the early 20th century, and from researching for my presentation I have become aware that many great ideas about subjects like corporal punishment, play, when the child will develop most, had come from hundreds of years ago, not just in the past couple of decades. This surprised me as because of all the modern research that is done today, and huge reform in education in the past 30 years, I would have thought that most of the current studies would have been a cause of this, especially with corporal punishment. This personally has brought up some questions to why it took so long to implement this into childrens settings, especial ly schools, which not employed until 1987. One of thought of a pioneer was allowing free play within nurseries, schools and other locations. This idea came from the McMillan Sisters, who are arguably the most influential pioneers, and had questionably the biggest impact. I explained this in my presentation, how it affects the children to develop creativity and also how it has been implemented within the EYFS (Early Years Foundation Stage). In my presentation I analysed the impact and influence that it has on the children, the setting and the teachers or people who work in the school or surroundings. I said that they were key in promoting playgrounds in the schools for the children to be creative when they were at school, and also not to just do boring classes, but to be kinaesthetic and learn in all different ways possible. The McMillan sisters also were of the belief that the key to the development of a child was the years between 0-6. This inspired other pioneers and teachers to realise how vital teaching 0-6 year olds was, and how it would shape their lives. It is also now a core subject and feature in the EYFS. Robert Owen was a pioneer from the late 18th, early 19th century, who realised the importance of a rational approach to teaching and believed that there should not be any punishment given out to children. I explained this in my presentation, by stating that it is something that has been implemented into all settings that have children in them which was employed in 1987. This also has been taken one step further in the UK and now adults are not allowed to strike children at all. He used to work a lot with children and built a model community which included a day nursery, a playground and a school for children in 1817 which meant the children did not have to work in factories like usual. With this approach he was part of the reason why children stopped working in factories and other workplaces at such a young age. Instead they were required to be educated at a school, which meant that children would have a better education and society were likely to have brighter people as a result. Th is had a huge impact on society, throughout the UK and most of the World, and now is part of Human Rights laws. From this I found out that Robert Owen had a huge impact on education and stressed how important it was for a child, and had influences of getting children out of the workplace and into education. Jean Piaget was a theorist from the 20th century who believed that the way a child develops was down to nature, and it was something that they are born with, which related to formal and logical thinking. This lead to a lot development and research into the development of child psychology, and how much importance is there for put on a teacher or how much importance there is the childs gene pool. I thought this was quite a step forward for child psychology and I believe he has started a real debate between Nature vs Nurture. Piaget also created Piagets Stages of Cognitive Development, which had four different stages to it; the Sensorimotor Stage (0-2 years), Pre-Operational Stage (2-7 years), Concrete Operational Stage (7+ years) and the Formal Operational Stage (11+ years). With this cycle he also stressed that the child cannot be forced to move on to each stage and that they have to be mentally ready to move on. I explained in my presentation that as a result of this work that he com pleted and the cycle he made, many education curriculums or areas are now built on the thought that the children should be taught towards their level, and if they are not ready, they will not move on, which is similar to the national curriculum in England. This has lead to work support environments being set up across the World to help children who are struggling in education. From this I believe that Piaget has made one of the biggest impacts on childrens development, psychology and childrens settings. Lev Vygotsky was a very influential theorist from the early 20th century who based most of his work on, thought, language and psychology and believed that development mostly came from guidance from adults, language and the environment. From this work, Vygotsky had a big impact and I recognised this in my presentation by stating that Vygotskys impact from this was that he promoted the teachers and educators of the children to speak to the children clearly and in a way that they would understand. This would lead to the children becoming more attentive, and thus make them more likely to take information in, and consequently learn more. This was a great point, and has influenced so much in modern times, not just for schools and children settings, but for work places and customer care or service. He also stressed the importance of the adults role within the childs life. Later in the 20th century this point became very important, and it made people take notice that children need an adult i nfluence in their lives to send them in the right direction, and make them become a nice person and the best they can be at whatever they wanted to do. In my presentation I stressed this as a very important point, which had a huge influence on society today. Tina Bruce is a current thinker, who has a strong belief in learning through the use of play through the development of experience using representation and games with rules. With this she has helped inspire and influence play in the National Curriculums, which led to the Early Childhood Reform for Education, in countries across the World from USA to New Zealand and from the UK to Portugal. However I believe this is the hardest person to judge with her impact and influence, as her ideas are fairly recent and therefore you cannot see how she has influenced childrens settings and how children develop through her thoughts and observations. In my presentation I brought this point up, and even though she may have some good ideas, most notably her though of the use of play through the development of experience using representation and games with rules, these ideas cannot be fully judged or merited, and therefore cannot be compared to any of the pioneers or theorists such as Robert Owen or J ean Piaget. I learnt a lot during this module, and found out what a huge influence these people had on society and childrens settings for today. I believe the person who had the greatest influence was Jean Piaget as the work he did on his Stages of Cognitive Development had a monumental impact on todays national curriculum, not just in the UK and Europe, but in the rest of the World too. What I thought was clever about this cycle was that it wasnt fixed or set, so if the child is not mentally ready, then they will not move on which differs to other cycles with do not allow that leeway or flexibility. He also made great points about logical and formal thinking which lead to a lot of research towards the development of childs psychology which is very helpful in society today, through the knowledge of how best to teach, develop or educate the children.

Wednesday, November 13, 2019

The Power of Love in Death of a Salesman Essay -- Death Salesman essay

The Power of Love in Death of a Salesman   Ã‚   Love is one of the most confusing emotions that one can experience. It is simple yet complicated, unconditional but demanding, overused and unique. It is hard to explain what its means to feel love, to feel loved, or to be in love, however, there are aspects of love that are easily expressed. For example, ones unquestionable affection to the one they love, or the hardships and sacrifice that is endured for loved ones, and the underlying fact that once it is experienced it is not easily dismissed. The play Death of a Salesman by Arthur Miller describes love in just these ways, and, most of all, as the ultimate moral value that is the eternal bond that keeps people together. One can see this in the love that Linda has for her husband Willy, the unmistakable devotion that Willy has to his family, and the masked love that Biff has for his father, Willy.    Before experiencing the play Death of a Salesman the reader or viewer must understand the family standards that were in place during the time period that the play was set. It was a time where the man of the house had the final word in everything. The woman of the house was the follower of the man through any hardships, and never overstepped her role. Linda is that woman, always putting her needs second to Willy's. She is the eternal wife and mother, the point of affection both given and received, the woman who suffers and endures for her family. Linda's love for Willy is unquestionably pure and unconditional:    No. You can't just come to see me, because I love him. He's the dearest man in the world to me, and I wont have anyone making him feel unwanted and low and blue. You've got to make up your ... ... that love makes is extremely strong, and can withstand the strongest and longest tests that humankind could put it through. It is everlasting, and beautiful to experience.    Sources    Field, B.S.   "Death of a Salesman" Twentieth Century Literature.   January, 1972. 19-24.   Rpt. in World Literary Criticism.   Ed. Frank Magill.  Ã‚   "Arthur Miller" Detroit: Gale Research, 1992.   2366-2368. Hoeveler, D. J.   "Redefining Love" Arthur Miller's Death of a Salesman: Modern Critical Interpretations.   Ed. Harold Blum.   Philadelphia: Chelsea House, 1988. 72-81. Miller, Arthur. Death of a Salesman. Gerald Weales, ed. New York: Penguin, 1996 Parker, Brian.   "Point of View in Arthur Miller's Death of a Salesman."   Arthur Miller: A Collection of Critical Essays.   Ed. Robert Corrigan.   Englewood Cliffs:   Prentice Hall, 1969.   98-107.      

Monday, November 11, 2019

Contrastive Linguistics Essay

The Language of the Stock Exchange – A Contrastive Analysis of the Lexis V clanku je podana analiza jezika borze s stalisca slovensko-angleske protistave. Izrazje (samostalniske zveze) obeh jezikov smo protistavili tako v strukturnem kot v semanticnem smislu, pri cemer se je razkrilo vec protistavnih znacilnosti, med drugim razlicni nacini ubeseditve istega pojma, terminoloske praznine in lazni prijatelji, slovensko borzno terminologijo pa zaznamujejo tudi angleske tujke. The article analyzes the language of the stock exchange from a Slovene-English contrastive viewpoint. The specialized lexis of the two languages was juxtaposed as to the structural and semantic differences of their respective terms and expressions (nominal phrases), revealing such contrastive phenomena as different conceptualizations, terminological gaps and false friends, while the Slovene stock exchange terminology is also characterized by English foreignisms. 1. Introduction James characterizes contrastive analysis (CA) as a hybrid linguistic discipline (1989: 4), since it is neither particularist nor generalist and is interested both in the immanent genius of a language and in the ways in which one language compares to other languages. CA does not strive to classify languages and is interested both in the differences and similarities between them. Having had strictly pedagogical implications at first, the theoretical foundations of CA were initially laid down by Robert Lado in his Linguistics Across Cultures (1957). Lado supported the conviction that if learners of a foreign language (L2) were made aware of the ways in which their mother tongue (L1) and L2 differed, this would facilitate foreign language learning. He went even further by claiming that the elements of L2 that are similar to the learners’ L1 will prove simple to learn, with those that are different being difficult. Lado was the first to suggest a systematic set of technical procedures for the contrastive study of languages; this included descriptions of languages and their comparisons as well as predictions of L2 learning difficulties. In its most ambitious phrasing, the Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis claimed to be able to predict all learners’ errors committed in using an L2. However, empirical studies conducted during the 1970s could not sustain this claim, making it clear that CA could only predict certain problematic areas for learners and some of the errors they are bound to make in their versions of L2 (James 1989: 145; my italics). All comparisons work on the basis of the assumption that the entities to be compared have certain things in common, and that any differences between them can be laid 154 Slovenski jezik – Slovene Linguistic Studies 7 (2009) against this common background. A CA thus always involves a common linguistic platform of reference, against which contrastive deviations are stated. This common platform is termed tertium comparationis (TC). Depending on the adopted TC, the same aspects of language may turn out be similar or different (Krzeszowski 1990: 16). In syntactic and lexical contrastive studies, the TC is often taken to be formal or semantic correspondence (ibid. ), chiefly in combination. Contrastive linguistics is not a unified field of study. The focus may be on general or on language specific features. The study may be theoretical (theoretical CA), without any immediate application, or it may be applied (applied CA), i. e. carried out for a specific purpose (Fisiak 1981: 2–3). Further, Gabrovsek (2005: 75–6) points out that contrastive work can be done at the levels of: phonology, graphology, lexicology, grammar, and textology. This is why any contrastive work must necessarily be limited in scope and thus always represent but a fragment of the overall contrastive landscape of a given pair of languages. Contrastive lexicology is the contrastive study of the vocabularies of two (or more) languages. It concerns itself with the transposition of lexical items from L1 to L2 and vice-versa, facing such difficulties as culture-bound vocabulary, interlingual mismatches, lexical gaps, etc (ibid.: 62–194). Equivalence between lexical items in two languages can be complete (trgovalni dan—trading day), partial (organizirani trg—regulated market), or nil (TUVL; insider). There are two possible scenarios in transposing such problematic lexical units: either the L2 equivalent is completely unknown to us (what, for example, is narocilo z razponom in odstranitvijo neizvrsene kolicine in English), which might lead to considerable confusion or even a communication breakdown, or we are uncertain as to the correct collocate (is SLO organizator trga EN market organizer or market operator?), which may make our L2 unidiomatic, but does not impede successful communication. Depending on the pattern and environment it appears in, a lexical item will typically benefit from additional semantic shading imposed by the surrounding lexical elements (semantic tailoring), and often consequently receive different counterparts in L2. Note the pairs svezenj—bundle, avkcija—auction, majhen—small, but (in a stock exchange context) svezenj—block (trade), prekinitvena avkcija—volatility interruption, mali vlagatelj—retail investor. The collocator and the base, even if lexically predictable in L2, may appear in the opposite order in the two languages (zascita vlagateljev—investor protection) or be joined by a different preposition (trgovati z obveznicami—trade in bonds). Another collocation-related problem, interlingually, is false friends: (borzna) kotacija ? (market) quotation. Lexicological CA also deals with divergent polysemy (vzdrzevalec likvidnosti—liquidity provider or market maker). This article focuses on lexical contrastive studies and chooses as its TC the English and Slovene lexis of the language of the stock exchange, juggling between formal and semantic equivalence of the terms and expressions in the two languages. Taking the Slovene-English contrastive viewpoint, we focused on nominal phrases (NPs), which have been examined as to the types of (non-)correspondence, on the structural as well as semantic level. The aim of this article has not been a discussion of terminology as such; terminology is here solely the object of contrastive lexicology, which lies at the core of this paper. B. Bozinovski, The Language of the Stock Exchange †¦ 155 As to the structural aspect, a divergence had been expected of the following kind: SLO simple NP complex NP EN simple NP complex NP complex NP simple NP On the semantic level, an occasional discrepancy had been anticipated between the meaning of a particular NP in isolation and that in a particular context (in different word combinations, most notably collocations), semantic tailoring being a feature of not only LGP (language for general purposes) but also LSP (language for special purposes). We had thus expected NPs to have different translation equivalents in different environments. English being the lingua franca of the financial world, we had also expected to find the English terms to be of a much more specialized nature than their Slovene counterparts. 2. Materials and methods The present CA entailed a lexicological comparison of pairs of (original) Slovene and (translated) English texts used in the regular operations of the Ljubljana Stock Exchange Inc. (LJSE). In juxtaposing texts with the same TC—the common platform for comparison was stock exchange terminology—pairs of lexemes (terms and expressions) relevant to our discussion were singled out and compared as to their structural and semantic properties. Given that we dealt with an LSP, our primary concern was with NPs, which constitute the main part of any LSP. The analysis was based on the thus-compiled database of over 1,000 pairs of headwords, of which only a selection appears in this article. 3. Analysis 3. 1. SLO: simple NP > avkcija CVS delnica delnicar dividenda glavnica indeks izdaja nalozba narocilo obveznica posel EN: simple NP auction NAV share shareholder dividend principal index issue investment order bond trade 156 Slovenski jezik – Slovene Linguistic Studies 7 (2009) 3. 1. SLO: simple NP > promet sklad svezenj trg EN: simple NP (continued) turnover fund block market The logical English equivalents for promet, posel and izdaja in general language or in isolation would be, for example, traffic, business and betrayal, with bond, auction and share being translated into Slovene as vez, drazba and delez, but in a stock exchange context the respective equivalents are LSP specific and uncontroversial. Svezenj and trg prove more problematic. The former can either be translated as block (of securities) or as block trade, since it can refer to a particular quantity of securities or to a trade executed in that particular quantity of securities—both svezenj in Slovene. Trg can either be rendered as single-word market or compound order book, depending on the context. In the case of the securities market in general, trg is equivalent to the EN market, but in combination with the trading platform and orders placed in the trading system, trg will normally be order book (narocila na trgu—orders sitting in the order book). SLO avkcija and dividenda are LSP terms of an international character, having been adopted from English (which their English counterparts clearly show), while the others are Slovene words. While avkcija, trg, izdaja, and narocilo are polysemous words of widespread use in Slovene LGP and only obtain specialized meanings when used in proper stock exchange contexts, dividenda, sklad, delnica, glavnica, nalozba and obveznica are financial terms of an inherently terminological nature. In English, the situation is slightly different; only dividend and investment belong to the financial field, while all other words have a wide range of uses and senses. In their full versions, CVS (cista vrednost sredstev) and NAV (net asset value) are structurally divergent but lexically transparent. 3. 2. SLO: simple NP borza dokapitalizacija kupnina lot nezaupnica pooblascenec pripojitev Statut VEP > EN: complex NP [N+N] [N+N] [N+N] [Adj+N] [N+PP] [N+N] [N+PP] [N+PP] [N+PP] stock exchange capital increase purchase price trading unit vote of no confidence proxy holder merger by acquisition Articles of Association NAV per unit Except for dokapitalizacija—capital increase, kupnina—purchase price, pripojitev—merger by acquisition and nezaupnica—vote of no confidence, which share at least some lexical elements, the remaining pairs are lexically completely divergent. B. Bozinovski, The Language of the Stock Exchange †¦ 157 3. 3. SLO: simple NP > EN: simple NP [N+N] [Adj+NP] [Adj+N] [N+PP] [Adj+NP] [N+N] [Adj+N] [N+PP] [N+N] [Adj+N] [Adj+N] unit futures point delisting derivative tick LJSE quote (n. ) ticket ticker security enota premozenja financne terminske pogodbe indeksna tocka izkljucitev iz (borznega) trga izvedeni financni instrument korak kotacije Ljubljanska borza narocilo za nakup in prodajo stevilka posla trgovalna koda vrednostni papir The lexically completely divergent Ljubljanska borza and LJSE deserve a word of mention. While having an adjectival premodifier (denoting the place) and a simple nominal head (denoting the institution) in Slovene, English lexicalizes the concept differently in several respects. First, Ljubljana in Ljubljana Stock Exchange is a nominal premodifier, as opposed to the adjective ljubljanski. Further, the simple borza has a complex equivalent in English, namely the compound stock exchange, the two terms being lexically miles apart (the word borza itself has nothing in common with stocks or securities or exchanges of any kind). What is more, all this is packaged into an English acronym of the stock exchange name, thus LJSE, which is common practice with English names of stock exchanges (New York Stock Exchange—NYSE, London Stock Exchange—LSE, National Association of Securities Dealers Automated Quotations— NASDAQ), while less so in Slovene. The Slovene name of the exchange either appears in its full form or is shortened to borza. English abbreviations and acronyms are a common feature of stock exchange terminology and have penetrated Slovene in their original forms in large numbers. Examples include ETF (exchange traded fund—indeksni vzajemni sklad), SI (systematic internalizer—sistematicni internalizator), MiFID (Markets in Financial Instruments Directive—direktiva o trgu financnih instrumentov), OTC (over-the-counter, which has no lexicalized equivalent in Slovene), FOK (fill-or-kill—narocilo z razponom in odstranitvijo neizvrsene kolicine). In these cases, there are no equivalent Slovene abbreviations (although descriptive equivalents do exist), since the English ones are recognized and actively used by all Slovene speakers of the LSP in question. Note also the difference between the highly idiomatic fill-or-kill as opposed to the descriptive Slovene expression. 3. 4. 3. 4. 1. SLO: complex NP > EN: complex NP Structurally and lexically transparent equivalents auction trading brokerage house avkcijsko trgovanje borznoposredniska hisa 158 Slovenski jezik – Slovene Linguistic Studies 7 (2009) 3. 4. 1. Structurally and lexically transparent equivalents (continued) electronic trading financial instrument institutional investor public company trading day elektronsko trgovanje financni instrument institucionalni vlagatelj javna druzba trgovalni dan  Note further instances of the so-called international words in both columns, underlining the international character of the terminology: avkcijsko—auction, financni—financial, instrument—instrument, elektronsko—electronic, institucionalni—institutional. Although we do have a native Slovene word for institution, which is ustanova, there is no semantically corresponding Slovene adjective (ustanovni in this case would be a false friend); this is why the Slovene term employs the international premodifier. 3. 4. 2. Structurally parallel, lexically unpredictable equivalents official market regulated market retail investor semi-official market average price initial public offering bullish market registered shares private bonds government bonds open-end fund borzna kotacija organizirani trg mali vlagatelj prosti trg enotni tecaj prva javna prodaja bikovski trend imenske delnice podjetniske obveznice javne obveznice vzajemni sklad Here we have NPs of the uniform structure Adj+N on both sides, and what is problematic is the lexical choices—either of premodifiers or of heads. In place of official one would expect a fusion with the words stock exchange (judging from borzen). Kotacija does have a direct translation, namely quotation, but the English term refers to the highest bid or lowest ask price available on a security at any given time and thus the two are false friends. The very specific Slovene term borzna kotacija, which stands for the part of the LJSE regulated market intended for companies complying with strict reporting and disclosure obligations, only has one equivalent in English, namely official market. For organizirani trg, many would expect organized market, which, however, is a mistranslation. Instinctively, and not being familiar with stock exchange terminology, a translator might also be tempted to translate the seemingly unproblematic mali vlagatelj as something like small investor, which would of course result in implications divorced from the stock exchange context. If looked at in isolation, prost, enoten, prodaja, trend, imenski, kotacija, podjetniski, javen would all get translations different from those in the above right B. Bozinovski, The Language of the Stock Exchange †¦ 159 column. Here they appear in typical multi-word lexical items from the language of the stock exchange, and demand specific equivalents. The above pairs are also illustrative of the different conceptualizations in the two languages. Take podjetniske obveznice—they are not *entrepreneurial bonds or *company bonds, but rather private bonds. What is more, although one might expect, in view of the logic of things, the opposite of private to be public bonds, English nevertheless calls them government bonds (while Slovene does see them as public, thus javne obveznice). 3. 4. 3. Structurally divergent, lexically parallel equivalents 3. 4. 3. a. Opposite order of lexemes or different parts of speech delnica [prostega trga] druzba za upravljanje [dvotirni] sistem [vodenja druzb] indeks [blue-chip delnic] indeks [celotnega trga] indeks obveznic posel s sveznjem struktura prometa vzdrzevalec likvidnosti N+[NP] N+PP [Adj]+N+ [NP] N+[NP] N+[NP] N+N N+PP N+N N+N [semi-official market] share management company [two-tier management] system blue-chip index [total market] index bond index block trade turnover structure liquidity provider [NP]+N N+N [NP+N]+ N N+N [NP]+N N+N N+N N+N N+N In phrases with indices, Slovene has plural nominal postmodifiers in the genitive case (indeks obveznic), while English will typically lexicalize the same concept though a singular nominal premodifier in the nominative (bond index). The delnice part of the respective Slovene NPs (indeks blue-chip delnic, indeks delnic investicijskih skladov) has a nil realization in English (blue-chip index, investment fund index). 3. 4. 3. b. Structurally different premodifiers avkcijsko trgovanje celotna trzna kapitalizacija delniska druzba osnovni kapital presezni certifikat tekoci podatki trzna kapitalizacija trzno narocilo cenovno obcutljiva informacija dobro pouceni vlagatelj auction trading total market capitalization joint-stock company share capital outperformance certificate real-time data market capitalization market order price-sensitive information well-informed investor 160 Slovenski jezik – Slovene Linguistic Studies 7 (2009) Slovene uses adjectival premodifiers where English has nominal ones, except in the last two cases, which both share the structure of a nominal head premodified by an adjective and even share the same head, but employ different premodifiers; the Slovene premodifier has the head obcutljiv premodified by the adverb cenovno, whereas in English the same information is lexicalized through a compound composed of a noun (price) and an adjective (sensitive). 3. 4. 3. c. Structurally different postmodifiers delnice investicijskih skladov predcasni odkup delnic stopnja donosa trzna kapitalizacija obveznic shares of investment funds early redemption of shares rate of return market cap of bonds The recurrent pattern here is a nominal postmodifier in the genitive case in Slovene as opposed to a postmodifying prepositional phrase (PP)—typically the of-phrase, as shown by all of the above examples—in English. Both groups of postmodifiers have the same function (namely that of expressing genitival relations), irrespective of their having different constructions; Slovene being a synthetic language, its expression of the genitive involves attaching genitival suffixes on postmodifying nouns, with English, an analytic language, having the same content expressed through an independent morpheme (the preposition of). Postmodifiers may be PPs on both sides, but with different heads: sredstva v upravljanju trgovanje z obveznicami sistematicni internalizator za delnice 3. 4. 4. N+PP N+PP NP+PP assets under management N+PP trading in bonds N+PP systematic internalizer in NP+PP shares Structurally and lexically divergent equivalents EN BTS trading system GBD brokerage house market maker TUVL segment 3. 4. 4. a. Explanatory equivalent BTS GBD TUVL segment The acronym TUVL stands for Trg uradnih vzdrzevalcev likvidnosti, BTS for borzni trgovalni sistem and GBD for Gorenjska borznoposredniska hisa, none of which have English counterparts. There are other Slovene acronyms and abbreviations that do not have direct English equivalents and need explanatory phrases when being translated into English, e. g. , CTG (celotna globina trga), ATVP (Agencija za trg vrednostnih paprijev), KDD (Centralna klirinsko depotna druzba), DZU (druzba za upravljanje), ID (investicijska druzba), PID (pooblascena investicijska druzba), and others. Disregarding the names of institutions, only a few are left, a situation B. Bozinovski, The Language of the Stock Exchange †¦ 161 somewhat different from that in English, which abounds in abbreviated forms. These, in turn, do typically not require explanatory Slovene phrases to be understood by Slovenes, being used world-wide by the speakers of the LSP in question. Slovene abbreviations, on the other hand, are not self-explanatory or known to English speakers, and therefore do need explanations. Cf. 3. 3. 3. 4. 4. b. Non-transparent equivalents Below are a few groups of recurrent constructions that appear in the two languages as equivalent: SLO: NP [NP(nomin. )+NP(gen. )] [Kodeks upravljanja] [javnih delniskih druzb] SLO: NP [N(nomin. )+N(gen. )] nihanje cen obrat kapitalizacije placilo kuponov revizija indeksov SLO: NP [N(nomin. )+NP(gen. )] indeks [delnic borznega in prostega trga] EN: NP [NP+N] [Corporate Governance] Code EN: NP [N+N] price volatility turnover rate coupon payment index review EN: NP [NP+N] [total market] index Note the contrastively problematic EN index review (similarly index performance, index structure, index constituents, etc), where the premodifying noun index is always in the singular, both if referring to a single index (SLO revizija indeksa) or several (SLO revizija indeksov). This calls for an attentive English-Slovene translator who must infer from context. SLO: NP [N(nomin. )+NP(gen. )] datum [zapadlosti zadnjega kupona] SLO: NP [N(nomin. )+N (gen. )] institut izstopa institut iztisnitve oddelitev druzbe SLO: NP [NP+PP] [prvi trgovalni dan] [brez upravicenja do dividende] [izvedeni financni instrumenti] [na blago] SLO: NP [NP/N+PP] [borzni clan] [z oddaljenim dostopom] narocilo [s preudarkom] EN: NP [N+N] coupon date EN: NP [cpd] sell-out squeeze-out spin-off EN: NP [N+N] ex-dividend date commodity derivatives EN: NP [Adj+N] remote member discretionary order. 162 Slovenski jezik – Slovene Linguistic Studies 7 (2009) SLO: NP [N+PP] delnice [v borzni kotaciji] 3. 4. 4. b. Non-transparent equivalents (continued) SLO: NP [N+PP] poslovanje [s sveznji] prenosi [med racuni istega imetnika] trgovanje [z vrednostnimi papirji] trgovanje [na podlagi notranjih informacij] SLO: NP [N+PP] potrdilo o pravnomocnosti SLO: NP [Adj+N] (borzni) clan kosovne delnice presecni datum EN: NP [NP+N] [official market] shares. EN: NP [N+N] block trading inter-accounts management securities trading insider dealing EN: NP [N(gen. )+NP] court’s [finality seal] EN: NP [N/NP+N] member (firm) [no par value] shares record date The above lists of corresponding construction patterns are far from exhaustive. We have merely made an attempt at classifying selected NPs both according to their structural (congruent or divergent) and lexical (transparent or oblique) properties, trying to show that there are innumerable patterns of correspondence between the two languages. 4.  Discussion and conclusion The present analysis has mapped out a complex web of interlingual correspondences between Slovene and English terms and expressions from the language of the stock exchange. The CA focused on the form of the identified pairs of NPs as well as on problems of meaning, discovering such interlingual difficulties as divergent polysemy, false friends, conceptual and lexical gaps. This was expected, since languages are known to differ in an unsystematic and largely unpredictable manner as to expressing the same content. We will now present our findings under the following three headings: a. Translation correspondence. Lexical (terminological) gaps The analysis has shown the prevalent type of translation correspondence between the identified Slovene and English NPs to be partial correspondence; it involves structural non-congruence, often coupled with complexities of meaning. Example pairs include: pooblascenec—proxy holder, trgovalna koda—ticker, posel s sveznjem—block trade, trzna kapitalizacija—market capitalization, promet clanov—turnover by member firms, nominalne delnice—par value shares, etc. There were also instances of complete correspondence, where the English and Slovene NPs were both structurally and semantically congruent, but these were a minority. Examples include: promet—turnover, trgovalni dan—trading day. B. Bozinovski, The Language of the Stock Exchange †¦ 163 Examples of nil correspondence between English and Slovene NPs have revealed lexical (or, rather terminological) gaps in the languages of the stock exchange, where certain concepts exist or have been lexicalized in one language but not in the other. English terms for which there are no ready-made Slovene equivalents include insider, blue-chip, OTC, and many others. Our expectations regarding the three types of translation equivalence to be found between lexical items in two languages, as laid down in the Introduction, have thus been confirmed. English is the lingua franca of business and finance, and this is also reflected (interlingually) in the language of the stock exchange. New concepts and terms for them are born in the Anglophone West, while the rest of the world adopts the English terminology and mostly just localizes it to a certain extent, often failing to come up with language-specific equivalent terms. As a result, Slovene stock exchange terminology abounds in carbon copies of English terms (blue-chip indeks, sistematicni internalizator, insajder), directly modelled upon their English counterparts, and descriptive expressions (izvedeni financni instrument, trgovanje na podlagi notranjih informacij, prvi trgovalni dan brez upravicenja do dividende). Especially tricky are virtually untranslatable English terms that have no lexical equivalent in Slovene at all (mistrade, market maker, OTC, hedge fund). Problematic as to their Slovene equivalents are also the idiom-like pumping dumping, painting the tape, wash sales, scalping, etc. When there are no ready-made translation equivalents (lexical, conceptual gaps), there are at least three options—a) to make up a new Slovene term, b) to opt for a descriptive equivalent, or c) to try to find an approximate â€Å"functional† equivalent. Descriptive expressions (posli, pri katerih je sprememba lastnistva financnih instrumentov zgolj navidezna for wash sales) can be long-winded. Functional equivalents (narocilo s skrito kolicino is a type of order very similar to iceberg order, but not identical to iceberg) can be inaccurate. The third option, to invent a new term, lies outside the scope of translation work, since in LSP it is not customary for translators to decide on preferred terms for concepts. These are for experts to agree on (sometimes in cooperation with linguists). Once they become used and catch on, the translator may recognize them as legitimate equivalents, based on expert advice, but not before, lest they become ghost words, i. e. terms that exist on paper, but not in actual use. There are also some Slovene terms with no mirror-image English equivalents, which is a general feature of any terminology, not just the language of the stock exchange. TUVL, BTS, and the like are limited to terms for concepts unique to the Slovene stock exchange trading platform. We can therefore speak of conceptual gaps. They are translated into English through explanatory equivalents, e. g. , market maker TUVL segment. b. Interference. Collocations, false friends and the like It is a known fact that language learners (translators as non-native speakers of an L2 included) are inclined to draw analogies with their L1 when constructing lexical units in L2. When the two languages overlap in their formal, semantic or grammatical features, this leads to positive transfer and correct L2 lexical items (terms and expressions). Slovene terms such as mednarodni razpis, nalozba, dividenda, obveznica and 164. Slovenski jezik – Slovene Linguistic Studies 7 (2009) their English translations are parallel in all of the above respects and thus unproblematic in translational and contrastive terms. If the formal, semantic or grammatical features of L1 and L2, however, do not overlap, or if they do but only partially (when meanings agree, but not forms, or the other way around), then constructing L2 terms on the analogy with L1 ones leads to lexical errors and we speak of interference or negative transfer from L1. This is a possibility with the bulk of Slovene stock exchange terms and expressions. Take aplikacija, for instance. A translator unfamiliar with the terminology of the field might be tempted to translate it as application, which, to my knowledge, has no specialized meaning in this field, the correct equivalent being the unpredictable cross trade. Or the much debated organizirani trg, which is not organized in English, but rather regulated market. Consider also the temptation of word-for-word rendering of korak kotacije, borzna kotacija, mali vlagatelj, prekinitvena avkcija and many others. Negative transfer works in the opposite direction as well, when it is known as backward interference; under the influence of L2, learners can be often tempted to remodel their L1 lexical items to match those in L2. Even if backward interference be at work, expressions such as financial markets, legal framework, investors would not cause any problems, since they are structurally and semantically parallel to their Slovene equivalents. It gets tricky when the Slovene term for open-end fund is not odprti sklad, but rather vzajemni sklad, and especially with terms such as quote. Quote has the attractive verbal equivalent kotirati that does exist and is widely used but with a different meaning, the correct rendering being narocilo za nakup in prodajo. The cross-linguistic floors are also slippery with terms such as regulated market, which appears unproblematic at first sight; in fact, however, regulirani trg is an expression that does not exist in the Slovene language of the stock exchange, where the same concept has been lexicalized through another lexeme—organizirani trg. Further, there are pairs of NPs that look deceptively similar, yet differ in important details, which we had anticipated in the Introduction to this article. For instance, trade in shares is trgovati z delnicami, assets under management is sredstva v upravljanju, right on a security is pravica iz vrednostnega papirja, bond (sg. ) index is indeks obveznic (pl. ), dobicek (sg. ) na delnico is earnings (pl. ) per share, and capital markets can either be kapitalski trg (sg. ) or kapitalski trgi (pl. ). Grammatical collocations are a notoriously difficult interlingual area, causing problems especially in encoding, and so are the singular—plural distinctions. When translating slovenski kapitalski trg into English, most would opt for the only reasonable choice, namely Slovene capital market. Yet the English prefer the plural expression, thus Slovene capital markets. Due to semantic tailoring, a lexical item may be endowed with a multitude of semantic shadings and consequently receive different counterparts in the other language. Trg, for instance, is not always market in the language of the stock exchange. Borzni and prosti trg are exchange and semi-official market, while for narocila na trgu we have orders sitting in the order book. Similarly, the adjective organizirani can either be organized (trading) or regulated (market) in English, while vzdrzevalec likvidnosti can either be liquidity provider or market maker, depending on the context. B. Bozinovski, The Language of the Stock Exchange †¦ 165 Conversely, the EN share is not always delez in Slovene; note the pairs share—delnica, official market share—delnica na borznem trgu, market share—trzni delez, share capital—osnovni kapital. This confirms our expectations worded in the Introduction on the possible discrepancy between translation equivalents of lexemes in isolation (aplikacija—application, organiziran—organized) and those of the same lexemes in a particular context (aplikacija—cross trade, organizirani trg—regulated market). It is one of the goals of contrastive lexicology to point out such controversial pairs of collocations and thus sustain the claim that translation equivalence is largely collocation-dependent. The analysis has also singled out Slovene and English NPs that look similar (have a similar form), but differ, at least partly, in meaning (the so-called false friends). One of them usually belongs to the LSP of the stock exchange, while the other has LGP applications divorced from the stock exchange context: quote (n. )—kotirati (v.), institutional inve.

Saturday, November 9, 2019

Comparision Of The Yellow Wallpaper And The Darlin Essays - Fiction

Comparision Of The Yellow Wallpaper And The Darlin Essays - Fiction Comparision Of The Yellow Wallpaper And The Darling Comparison of The Yellow Wallpaper and The Darling In Charlotte Perkins Gilmans, The Yellow Wallpaper, and Anton Chekhovs, The Darling, we are introduced to main characters with lives surrounded by control. In Gilmans, The Yellow Wallpaper, the main character, which remains nameless, is controlled by her husband, John. He tells her what she is and is not allowed to do, where she is to live, and that is she is not permitted to see her own child. In Chekhovs, The Darling, the main character, Olenka, allows her own opinions and thoughts to be those of her loved ones. When John puts the narrator into the room, she writes in despite of him telling her that she should not. At the end of her first passage, the narrator tells us, There comes John, and I must put this away he hates to have me write a word. The narrator was told that writing and any other intellectual activity would exhaust her. The only thing that exhausts her about it is hiding it from them. The narrator tells us, I did write for a while in spite of them; but it does exhaust me a good deal having to be so sly about it, or else meet with heavy opposition. Conrad Shumaker suggests that John believes that if someone uses too much imagination then they will not be able to figure out reality. He fears that because of her imaginative temperament she will create the fiction that she is mad and come to accept it despite the evidence color, weight, appetite that she is well. Imagination and art are subversive because they threaten to undermine his materialistic universe In Gilmans Why I Wrote the Yellow Wallpaper, Gilman tells us that when she was sent home from the rest cure, Dr. Mitchell gave her solemn advice to live as domestic a life as far as possible, to have but two hours intellectual life a day, and never to touch pen, brush, or pencil again as long as she lived. The narrator cannot even be around or raise her baby. John hired a nanny, Mary, to take care of him. This even makes her more nervous. The narrator tells us, It is fortunate Mary is so good with the baby. Such a dear baby! And yet I cannot be with him, it makes me so nervous. In this short story, the narrator was forced to stay without her baby. In the introduction Thomas L. Erskine and Connie L. Richards tell us, Gilman was very much like her father in important ways, for she abandoned her daughter to her husband and like him, preferred to deal with her emotions at a distance in letters, books, or in her fiction. From this we see that Gilman actually had a choice on whether to be without her child. In the story, the narrator was told not to have her child around because of stress. When the narrator tells about the room, she says, I dont like our room a bit. I wanted something downstairs that opened to the piazza and had roses all over the window, such pretty old-fashioned chintz hangings! But John would not hear of it. The room has barred windows and rings and things in the walls. The narrator hates the ugly yellow wallpaper, but when she wanted John to change it, he told her that I was letting it get the better of me, and nothing was worse for a nervous patient than to give way to such fancies. Every time the narrator asked John for a different room, he threatens her with a room in the basement. Personally, I believe that John is doing everything wrong to help the narrator. Treating her like a child did not help her get well, it was her own strength at the end of the story that made her well again. John told the narrator not to write, see her child, and which room to live in. In Chekhovs, The Darling, Olenkas opinions changed with and as often as her husbands. When she was married to Kukin, the manager of a theatre, all of her thoughts were of the theatre. Whatever Kukin said

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

THE NEGATIVE SIDE OF ECONOM essays

THE NEGATIVE SIDE OF ECONOM essays According to U.S. News and World Report, January 15, 1998, the United Nations estimates that nearly one million Iraqi children are chronically malnourished. Infant mortality and waterborne illnesses are also up dramatically.(Omstad 42) These problems are a direct result of economic sanctions imposed on Iraq by the United States. Thomas Omstad, a field reporter for U.S. News and World Report describes the sanctions as, a blunt instrument that can clearly take innocent lives. It is because of this and a multitude of other reasons that the statement the use of economic sanctions to achieve U.S. foreign policy goals is moral does not ring true. In order to prove that economic sanctions are not morally right we must first understand what an economic sanction is. Economic sanction is defined as the withholding of supplies from countries that do not agree with, or follow the policies laid out for them by the United States. This definition is given by the mission work organization Pastors for Peace based out of Chicago Illinois. It is also the working definition for the sanctions that the United States has Sanctions are immoral because they harm innocents. As I stated earlier, there is a senseless harming of innocent people in the sanctions imposed against Iraq. Part of the reason for this is the way the U.S. government classifies materials. The level of sanctions imposed against Iraq still allows for some humanitarian aid to be sent there from the U.S., but it is very limited.(Sirico15) For example, according to documents released by the state department, a chair has the same military classification as a handgun.(Sirico15) What this means is that as Iraq tries to set up schools, the cannot get chairs from aid groups, because the U.S. state department feels that they can be used in militay efforts. This same analysis applies to many pharmaceuticals. Th ...

Monday, November 4, 2019

Marxist Account of Class in Contemporary Society Essay

Marxist Account of Class in Contemporary Society - Essay Example During the twentieth century the working class has been shaped by three trends. In the workplace the displacement of craft and skilled labor by mass production techniques has allowed the employment of large numbers of unskilled workers; culturally, the integration of diverse ethnic strains produced by the centralization of production facilities and the constant infusion of petty bourgeois ideology has precluded the development of a clear-cut working-class consciousness; politically, the increasing intervention of the state in the regulation and management of the economy has added to the complexity of class relations and complicated the formulation of working-class strategy and tactics. These treads are typical; for modern society and social relations between the classes. The theoretical problems are linked because the relationship between the development process and class capacities largely depends on how one conceptualizes working-class capacities. If one accepts traditional plurali st notions of class capacity as applicable to the working class, then it is probably true that the capitalist development process erodes working-class capacities (Elster 1985). If, however, the capacity of the working class is something other than an aggregation of sovereign individuals, a more dialectical relationship between development and working-class capacity can be established (Braverman 2004). In modern society, similar to the Marxist approach to class, the institution of mass production techniques and the separation of the knowledge of how steel is made from the workers themselves is the key to breaking worker control of the industry. The rich would voluntarily renounce their wealth; a community of goods and absolute equality would be established. Marx began from the postulate that men, by their nature, are species-beings, that is, beings who are conscious of belonging to a species composed of others like themselves, and beings who can realize their full human potential only in loving collaboration with those others (Geschwender 1990). Perceiving their own imperfections as isolated individuals and not yet conscious of their collective potential, men seek consolation in an imagined God, abase themselves, and worship him as a power standing over them, when he is in reality their own alienated species-essence and represents only a schism within themselves. Marx now saw this phenomenon in politics as well as in religion. For him, man's present isolation is not simply a matter of perception but a reality, a product of modern civil society: "egoistic man is the passive and given result of a dissolved society" (Marx and Engels 1972, p. 65). Equally real is man's debasement: he is "corrupted by the entire organization (Braverman 2004). It is typical for modern society that the affable young man plunged himself into working-class activities, attending meetings by the score, and gained a profound respect for the people he came to know. Marx repeatedly marveled at "the extent to which the English workers have succeeded in educating themselves." "I have sometimes come across workers, with

Saturday, November 2, 2019

Nikolay Gogols The Overcoat. The Conclusion Essay

Nikolay Gogols The Overcoat. The Conclusion - Essay Example In fact, the supernatural addition to the story gives it more power as we digest the entire meaning of the story. Without the supernatural ending, we are left with the notion that world is a bleak place to live. With the inclusion of Akaky's ghost exacting revenge upon the Person of Consequence, we see that there is justice in the world and that the world is guided by forces that lurk beyond the human realm. Gogol's fantastic ending is surprising and delightful and this adds to the depth of the story because it offers hope. "The Overcoat" makes more sense when it is considered in the way it is presented - a tale of truth. The story is often discarded when readers reach the conclusion because they feel that it remove any substantial meaning. The way to read the story, however, is to take it at face value. Gogol wanted this ending to his rather realistic tale for a reason. He wanted readers to stop and consider supernatural occurrences in this tangible world in which we live. Victor Peppard observes that there are two ways that the story can be interpreted and maintains that "The Overcoat" has a "definite and tremendously significant relationship to the genre of the supernatural tale, particularly those tales about corpses and ghosts who have, or seem to have, returned from the dead" (Peppard). He believes that the story is meant to be "instructive" (Peppard) because of Gogol's literary predecessors. He also adds that it is "helpful to establish to what extent Gogol models his story on the generic require ments of the supernatural tale and to what extent he modifies them for his own purposes" (Peppard). Either way, "The Overcoat" plays out to be a supernatural story with a very moral message. This interpretation allows the ghost that appears at the end of the to be "even more persuasive than the guilty conscience of the significant personage" (Peppard). It must also be noted that the guilty conscious of the Person of Consequence is secondary to his conversion at the conclusion of the story. When we consider the ghost as a real character, the story not only makes sense, but it serves a real purpose. The supernatural ending of the story is also intended to make the reader relate to Akaky's experience and rejoice with him that he did receive justice in the end. This is the only way that the story can end without the tale being a complete tale of travesty for the "little guy." Akaky is, in fact, the Person of Consequence's victim for a very long time. Gogol has spent much of the story allowing us to see Akaky's life and how he lives it. There can be no doubt that he is a simple man living a simple life. There can also be no doubt that he is a bit quirky and, as such, is the butt of many jokes. It is also important to notice that Akaky lives his life quiet peacefully. He does not impose upon anyone else and it appears that his only sin is the lust he develops for the new overcoat. From this perspective, we can determine that Akaky needs the supernatural ending as much as anybody does because that is the only way that he will see justice. We are forewarned of this when the narrator s tates that no one could have "imagined that this was not there was to tell" (Gogol 245) about Akaky. Then we are told that the story does have a "fantastic ending" (245). From this we can gather that Gogol wanted us to believe in the supernatural aspects of this tale and not only believe but take issues to heart. In short, there is justice in the world. In addition, the conclusion of "The Overcoat" is significant because it is unique when it is examined against the rest of the tale. The supernatural ending to the story is actually the only fantastical element in "The Overcoat." Because the rest of the story is realistic,